omong

what Malaysian public figures say and don’t say in the press

Archive for March 1st, 2008

Sex, murder and corruption: Malaysia’s ruling coalition dodges scandals in election campaign – International Herald Tribune

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

A close associate of the deputy prime minister allegedly orders the murder of a beautiful foreigner. The health minister is filmed having extramarital sex. A politically connected lawyer is accused of brokering top judicial appointments.

A string of scandals features heavily in the opposition’s campaign for Malaysia’s parliamentary election on March 8.

“It’s not that we want to capitalize unnecessarily on these issues, but it’s our moral duty to bring them out in our campaign to show that the government is rotten,” said Hatta Ramli, an official in the opposition Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party.

The ruling National Front coalition is widely expected to win, but with a smaller majority than its landslide victory in 2004. The scandals are not the main factor, but they may be adding to voter discontent with the status quo.

“I think everything that has been made public is only the tip of the iceberg,” said Voon Chin Joo, a 28-year-old information technology consultant. “My vote will be for the opposition because I want to see all the other scandals exposed.”

But, analysts say, most voters are more focused on issues that affect their lives, such as inflation, crime and rising racial and religious tensions.

“Malaysians have a short memory,” said Tricia Yeoh, a senior researcher at the Center for Public Policy Studies, a Malaysian think tank. “These scandals may contribute to some people’s perception that Malaysia is in a mess, but they wouldn’t drastically change voting patterns.”

The government’s first headache emerged with the slaying of Altantuya Shaariibuu in late 2006. Abdul Razak Baginda, a close associate of Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak, was charged with abetting the murder of the Mongolian interpreter, with whom he had had an affair.

Opposition parties worked feverishly to link Najib to the killing, in which two policemen allegedly used explosives to destroy Shaariibuu’s remains in a jungle clearing in October 2006. But the opposition failed to come up with evidence to substantiate its claim that Najib had a hand in the killing.

The government has moved quickly to deal with the unusual spate of pre-election scandals.

Last August, opposition leaders criticized the government for providing a low-interest loan to rescue Malaysia’s main port authority from debts of US$1 billion (€700 million). Officials deflected the criticism by saying the loan was not a bailout, because it would be repaid.

In October, authorities swiftly arrested eight junior officials on corruption charges after the auditor general revealed that ministries bought defective boats and helicopters and paid grossly inflated prices for screwdrivers and flower pots.

“There has been no attempt to hide things under the carpet, so there shouldn’t be a negative impact for us in the polls,” Shahrir Samad, a ruling coalition lawmaker, told The Associated Press.

“The public is confident that all these issues have been well tackled,” Shahrir said. “Openness, transparency and accountability have been obvious in the government. We have not been riding roughshod over anyone or trying to ignore the public’s concerns.”

The nation’s attention shifted in recent weeks to two video scandals.

In January, Health Minister Chua Soi Lek, married with three children, resigned amid intense public pressure after DVDs — allegedly made by his political rivals — began circulating in his hometown showing him having sex with his lover in a hotel room.

No sooner had that scandal faded, when newspaper front pages turned to a government inquiry into another video, which showed a well-known lawyer apparently talking on the phone to Malaysia’s former top judge about using their government connections to influence judicial appointments.

The inquiry heard testimony in open court from prominent figures including former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. A decision is expected next month — but not until after the election.

Sex, murder and corruption: Malaysia’s ruling coalition dodges scandals in election campaign – International Herald Tribune

Read:

wither Malaysia, under  BN ?

Malaysia needs a strong Opposition

Posted in BN government, [s]Malaysia @ 50, kosong | 8 Comments »

Bowring: Malaysia’s political poverty – International Herald Tribune

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

Malaysia’s many middle-of-the-road critics of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi are in a quandary as the March 8 election looms. Do they deliver the governing coalition, led by the United Malays National Organization, the drubbing that it richly deserves for its money politics and abuses of power? Or do they vote for the coalition out of concern that a poor electoral performance would undermine the well-meaning if weak Abdullah and enhance the positions of those politicians more closely associated with sleaze, religious intolerance and racial preferences?

The election cannot change the government. Malaysian politics is trapped in an institutionalized racial ghetto. The coalition is sure to win, as it has for 50 years. Abdullah himself acknowledges that it will not do as well as in 2004, when he was enjoying a honeymoon after 22 years of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. But most likely, the governing coalition of race-based parties will retain a two-thirds majority in Parliament – failure to do so would be a humiliation for Abdullah.

Nevertheless, the election results will indicate important trends. The vote comes at a time when economic and political issues point in different directions. The economy is growing at 6 percent, underpinned by strong commodity export prices. Added to this has been a pre-election surge in government spending and massive subsidies for fuel and food that otherwise would have pushed consumer price inflation to double its official 2.3 percent rate. The assumed peak of the economic cycle explains why the election is being held now when Abdullah could have waited a year. Judging by history, a vote now should ensure few discomforts for the governing party.

But the election also comes in the wake of a host of scandals and disputes, some attributable to the current government, some the belated uncovering of corruption under Mahathir’s watch. Issues include well-founded reports of high-level judicial corruption and influence peddling, and  the bizarre conduct of the trial of Razak Baginda, an arms-dealing associate of the deputy prime minister and defense minister, Najib Abdul Razak, for the murder of his mistress.

While Abdullah has removed a few of those who prospered under Mahathir, there has been widespread disappointment at his failure to make more reforms.

It remains to be seen whether these issues resonate with the Malay majority, which has two alternatives – to vote for the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, commonly known as PAS, or support the multi-ethnic Parti Keadilan Rakyat, or People’s Justice Party, led by a former deputy prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim. PAS has yet to prove that it can escape its mix of modern fundamentalism and rural conservatism and broaden its appeal among increasingly urbanized Malays. Anwar has yet to prove that his stature and Islamic past can translate into Malay votes for a multi-ethnic party, or that he can shake off the suspicions that many non-Malays have about his commitment to secular and multiracial principles.

The governing coalition will almost certainly suffer from the increased disaffection of non-Malays. Indians who traditionally support it have been upset by discrimination. Many may defect to the predominantly Chinese opposition Democratic Action Party or the People’s Justice Party.

The Chinese are increasingly frustrated by the continuation of racial preferences that enrich the Malay elite at their expense, and by the low standing of the faction-riddled Malaysian Chinese Association in the government. Non-Malays are fed up with discrimination against non-Muslims.

Yet the influences that drive non-Malays into the arms of the opposition may help United Malays National Organization retain the loyalty of Malays who see it as the most effective guardian of their privileges and status of their religion. Thus they will overlook its many sins, just as many non-Malays will, however reluctantly, vote for an UMNO-led coalition, which they see as the best safeguard against Malay and Muslim extremism.

There is not much sign that Abdullah will use the election to bring change; radical moves are not his style. Yet if he does want to leave a legacy of doing more than keeping the leader’s seat warm he will need to start soon after the election. Will the election make him see the necessity of change? Or leave him without the authority to achieve it?

Bowring: Malaysia’s political poverty – International Herald Tribune

Read:

wither Malaysia, under  BN ?

Malaysia needs a strong Opposition

Posted in BN government, [s]Malaysia @ 50, kosong | 3 Comments »

Khaleej Times Online – Malaysia’s ‘Islam Hadari’ cannot correct itself

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

IT WOULD seem rather odd, not least for Malaysia-watchers overseas, that despite the talk of the ‘moderate and progressive’ brand of normative Islam that has been bandied about in Malaysia under the general theme of ‘Islam Hadari’ (Civilisational Islam) that the practice of normative Islam in Malaysia seems anything but moderate and progressive.

Among the latest instances normalised abnormality include the seizure of Bibles from a Malaysian Christian returning from the Philippines, on the grounds that the Bibles had to be checked by the Ministry of Home Affairs for security reasons; the demolition of Hindu temples that were said to have been built illegally; the furore over the conversion of Malaysians from one religion to another, etc.

Recently, a loose coalition of Muslim NGOs have also put forward their demands to the Malaysian government and all the parties contesting the 12th General Elections of Malaysia, calling on them to defend the status of Islam and to explicitly reject the idea that Malaysia is a secular state. The Islamist NGOs also voiced their concern about the very notion of religious pluralism in the country, and called for the stricter implementation of Islamic rules and laws that already exist in Malaysia.

Yet while these exclusive demands are being voiced in the public domain, the Malaysian government under the leadership of Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi maintains that Malaysia is a progressive and moderate Muslim country. How does Malaysia qualify as a moderate country when books are routinely vetted and banned by the authorities, when the moral police are allowed to conduct raids into people’s homes, and when even the discussion of religious pluralism is seen as anathema for so many?

The present impasse that Malaysia faces would suggest that the much-lauded ‘Islam Hadari’ project of the Badawi administration has not made an impact and remains at best a discourse of the state that has not been accepted and internalised by the populace, in particular the Malay-Muslim majority. It also demonstrates that the attempts by the UMNO-led government to open up the minds of the Malay-Muslims has not really succeeded and that the long-awaited renaissance of Muslim intellectual thought is a long way off. Why?

The primary reason for this failure lies in the dynamics of the Malaysian governmental system and the politics of the ruling UMNO party itself.

UMNO was and remains primarily a Malay-Muslim party that sees the Malay-Muslim majority as its primary vote bank. From the outset UMNO presented itself as the ‘defender’ and ‘protector’ of Malay communal interests, and was seen as the patron-master of the Malay community. UMNO’s only rival was the Islamic party PAS, and since the 1980s both UMNO and PAS have been eyeing the Malay community with a view of gaining political power and leverage by securing the Malay-Muslim vote.

This however requires that both parties maintain the notion that the Malay-Muslim community is a fixed and homogenous constituency. Furthermore, since the 1980s UMNO and PAS have both tried to gain the upper hand against each other by demonstrating their Islamic credentials, adopting a ‘holier-than-thou’ approach and thus sparking off what has come to be known as the ‘Islamisation race’ in Malaysia.

The nature of UMNO’s leadership of the Malays however remains unchanged, and is based on a strong patron-client bond that sees the Malays as perpetually in need of protection, leadership and representation. In the process, Malay-Muslim identity has been foregrounded at the expense of a wider sense of national belonging, on the basis of citizenship. Thus UMNO’s patronage and control of the Malays has not only rendered them weak and dependent on UMNO’s goodwill and patronage, but has also kept them confined within the narrow essentialised parameters of fixed ethnic-religious identity.

Over the past three decades, it was UMNO’s cultivation of the Malay-Muslim community, couched in terms of a protectionist politics of patronage, that crippled the Malays and kept the Malay intellectual community bound to its patronage machinery. Yet despite the opportunities given to them, the leadership of UMNO has never really tried to use this as a means of opening up the minds of the Malays, to challenge them intellectually and to present the Malays with an alternative (and genuinely progressive) understanding of Islam: Progressive Muslim authors have been banned by the government, their books taken off the shelves, debates on issues like religious pluralism and inter-faith dialogue scuttled.

The net result is the Malay-Muslim community that we see in Malaysia today, which has grown more defensive, reactionary, conservative and narrow in their worldview, thanks to the debilitating effects of this form of suffocating patronage. UMNO’s leaders have also complicated things further for themselves by occasionally jumping on the communal bandwagon, and Malaysians have witnessed — time and again — the spectacle of UMNO leaders brandishing weapons in public and talking on and on about the special rights and privileges of the Malays.

Thus is it a surprise if the liberal and progressive ideals of the ‘Islam Hadari’ project have never taken root in Malaysia? How can any government —UMNO-led or otherwise — hope to inculcate the progressive and modern values of a universal religion if, at the same time, it has also helped to create a community that is narrow-minded, conservative and not receptive to such ideas? Here lies the trap that the UMNO leadership has dug for itself: While promoting a vision of Islam that is plural, modern and liberal it has also cultivated a community that is narrow, reactionary and conservative. The real result of five decades of UMNO-led rule is the creation of a more narrowly-defined, racialised and sectarian society where inter-racial and inter-religious dialogue and contact has dwindled. To expect ‘Islam Hadari’ to correct the mistakes of UMNO’s own ethnocentric communitarian politics is a contradiction in terms. A party that perpetuates the divisive politics of racial and religious communitarianism cannot preach universal love and respect, not even among its own members and supporters.

Dr Farish A Noor is a senior fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University of Singapore; and one of the founders of the http:// www.othermalaysia.org/www.othermalaysia.org research site

Khaleej Times Online – Malaysia’s ‘Islam Hadari’ cannot correct itself

Read:

wither Malaysia, under  BN ?

Malaysia needs a strong Opposition

Posted in BN government, kosong, umno | 1 Comment »

Najib: "No fuel price hike……. not necessarily"

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak today dismissed assumptions of a hike in fuel price after the March 8 general election.
“No, it doesn’t necessarily mean price hike,” he said when asked if there would be a rise in fuel price after the polls following the increase in fuel subsidies paid by the Government last year.

Malaysian National News Agency :: BERNAMA

Read Najib’s talk:

Najib says Indians have a good deal in Malaysia

Najib’s much touted e-Tanah system – a big disappointment

Najib talks about Tipping Point

Najib’s Brickendonbury High Performance Training Center

Najib wants all parties to acknowledge BN led Malaysia well

Graft in Malaysia’s Defense Ministry ?

Najib outlines Six Approaches For Farmers To Be Competitive

Najib: only Umno can ensure Malays’ progress and achievements, uphold sanctity of Islam

Najib launches 4M to prepare for election

Najib Outlines Twin Pillars Of Education

Najib expounds “Glokal”

Najib expounds another deep thought – for quality project implementation

Najib says sexist remarks by Bung Mokhtar Radin and Mohd Said Yusof, no big deal

Najib claims that only BN can improve livelihood

Najib tells civil servants to reframe mind and increase productivity by working longer hours

Najib-led committee issues more APs

Najib outlines 3 main factors for skilled and ‘holistic’ Malaysian

Najib expounds 5 ways to accelerate the Malay mind

Najib proposes another regional something

Najib says Research Center to be transformed to High Performance Tranining Center without cost

Najib says there are different principles for BN politics and government

Najib tells Public Service Department to hire unemployed graduates to resolve problems of unemployed graduates

Najib says MPs can make baseless allegations,  is not wrong legally

Najib proposes a regional-based humanitarian centers

Posted in kosong, najib | Leave a Comment »

Samy Vellu flees from protesters

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

MALAYSIAN Indian Congress chief Samy Vellu had to cut his rally short after he was nearly accosted by more than 10 supporters of the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) on Tuesday.

The incident took place at 1pm when Mr Samy Vellu arrived in a market in Prai, Penang, to canvass for votes, reported Nanyang Siang Pau.

The MIC chief, who is also the Works Minister, was about to begin his rally speech and press conference when the protesters marched up to him.

Despite the presence of 50 police officers, several of the protesters managed to break through Mr Samy Vellu’s security detail.

The protesters wanted Mr Samy Vellu to discuss the problems facing the Indian community as well as to release Hindraf members who have been detained for demonstrating in Kuala Lumpur last November.

But when Mr Samy Vellu saw his accosters, he quickly escaped by hopping into his car and driving off to his next destination.

This only enraged the Hindraf supporters, who kept shouting at him, saying that he should not leave if he had not done anything wrong.

Mr Samy Vellu has been labelled a political liability after several embarrassing incidents.

Besides last November’s protest, which accused the MIC of failing to protect the Indian community’s welfare, the Works Ministry has been saddled with problems, from leaky roofs in the Malaysian Parliament House to cracks in a major highway in Kuala Lumpur.

Speaking to reporters, the Hindraf supporters said they had no intention of hurting Mr Samy Vellu.

Claiming that the Indian community is underprivileged, the Hindraf supporters said they just wanted 10 minutes of Mr Samy Vellu’s time because they felt they deserved an explanation from him.

In a separate incident that evening, Mr Samy Vellu was forced to cancel a walkabout in Lunas, Kedah, after 3,000 Hindraf supporters demonstrated against his appearance there, reported Sin Chew Daily.

The demonstrators had gathered there at 6.30pm, after getting wind of Mr Samy Vellu’s appearance.

More than 70 riot police officers were deployed to the scene.

The son of opposition politician NGobalakrishnan was among the protesters, and he and two others were detained.

The standoff continued until 7.45pm, when Mr Gobalakrishnan, who is the vice-president of Parti Keadilan Rakyat, arrived at the scene and asked the police to release the detainees.

Mr Gobalakrishnan was allowed to fetch his son from the Lunas Police Station.

At an earlier press conference, MrSamy Vellu insisted that only a minority of Indians were dissatisfied with the Barisan Nasional coalition government.

He also said he believed that the BN could easily resolve the dissatisfaction of this minority.

The Electric New Paper, Singapore – The Electric New Paper News

Read:

Najib says Indians do not have a bad deal

Khir Toyo tells Malaysian Indians not to expect handouts

Malaysia’s MIC says Indian problems not critical, will be resolved within a month

Samy says MIC confident of 100% success rate in general election

Posted in BN government, kosong, samy vellu | 1 Comment »

Lowered Expectations as Malaysia Votes – TIME

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

…The locals of Kepala Batas, located in western Malaysia’s Penang state, consider Abdullah, whose ruling National Front coalition is contesting the March 8 general elections, a kindly, avuncular presence. But their real respect appears to be reserved for his father and grandfather, both noted Islamic clerics. Indeed, one of the main streets in town is named after Abdullah’s father, Ahmad Badawi. A grilled-fish vendor named Ibrahim Anwar, coping with the lunchtime rush near Ahmad Badawi Avenue, is befuddled when asked why he plans to vote for Abdullah. Ibrahim stops to consider the question. After mulling it over for a good minute, he finally answers: “Well, he comes from a good family. That is why we like him and vote for him.”

Although Abdullah doesn’t inspire much passion even in his own hometown, the March polls will almost certainly hand him five more years in power. Malaysia may be a democracy, but it is one in which the National Front has ruled uninterrupted since independence. The composition of electoral constituencies ensures that voters from the rural heartland, where support for the governing alliance is strongest, wield more power than citizens from urban areas, where opposition parties hold some sway. The weighted system explains why the National Front won 64% of the popular vote in 2004 yet managed to fill 90% of the seats in Parliament. In five decades, the country has had exactly five Prime Ministers — all leaders of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the Malay-based party that dominates the National Front. “Malaysia is a heavily controlled state,” says Steven Gan, editor of the online daily Malaysiakini. “We are stuck with Abdullah because of the nature of patronage politics and the enormous power of the office he holds.

… 

What Abdullah certainly did promise was to combat graft and strengthen civil liberties during his tenure. The vows so pleased Malaysian voters that in the 2004 elections, less than five months after Abdullah became Prime Minister, the National Front won its largest-ever mandate. But the euphoria hasn’t lasted. Abdullah has been criticized for everything from restarting several of Mahathir’s extravagant megaprojects to rolling back press freedoms that he himself had granted. At the same time, his stolid image as a compromise candidate has come back to haunt him. “His performance is disappointing, unexciting,” says Kuala Lumpur-based economist Din Merican. “He can’t grasp details, and he does not understand the future.

That future isn’t quite as bright as the National Front might hope. Although the ruling coalition is composed of more than a dozen ethnically based parties, minority Chinese and Indians are complaining more loudly about perceived government discrimination. In particular, many non-Muslims feel it is getting harder to freely practice their own faiths. Ethnic and religious tensions have gotten so bad, in fact, that even Abdullah admits the National Front probably won’t match its 2004 landslide victory. Compounding matters are high consumer prices that have shocked Malaysians who are used to living cheaply off the bounty of their resource-rich homeland.

The one opposition candidate who could challenge Abdullah won’t be running on March 8. Anwar Ibrahim, a former Deputy Prime Minister who was jailed for six years on corruption charges that human-rights activists considered politically motivated, is an impassioned orator who can draw crowds of tens of thousands. His cult of personality drives the People’s Justice Party, whose racial diversity is rare in Malaysian politics. But Anwar was banned from politics for five years because of his jail time. The embargo expires in April. Given that Abdullah could have called elections any time over the next 15 months, the choice of poll date leaves many Malaysians feeling that he is intentionally excluding a certain former deputy premier.

Abdullah maintains that he has “forgotten” all about Anwar, preferring instead to outline a vision of several “economic-growth corridors” that he says will transform the manufacturing and service sectors. (One corridor happens to run through Abdullah’s hometown, Kepala Batas.) The PM points to rising rural incomes as proof that his economic policies are working. Placating farmers is particularly important given that rural Malaysia is the National Front’s core constituency. And even in the urban areas, Abdullah’s renowned blandness could actually help him. “The thing about him is that no one hates him,” says Liew Chin Tong, an election-strategy adviser for the opposition Democratic Action Party. “That makes it hard to rally support against him.”

Not that Abdullah’s critics aren’t trying. Yes, farmer’s incomes have increased, they say, but so has the cost of living, particularly in urban areas. Furthermore, a U.S. recession could upset Malaysia’s export-led economy. Meanwhile, the Chinese and Indian populations are speaking out against a national affirmative-action plan that favors Malays in everything from education to government contracts. Indians, who are Malaysia’s poorest ethnicity, are so frustrated that they have marched by the thousands in Kuala Lumpur in recent months. “We respected [the National Front] for a long time, but they haven’t helped us at all,” says rubber tapper M. Krishnan, an ethnic Indian in Kepala Batas. “So now we need to change, to fight.”

But ethnic Indians make up less than 10% of Malaysia’s electorate. For the opposition to really score big, it must lure more Malays and Chinese. In previous elections, the opposition Islamist party PAS has had some success portraying its religious values as an antidote to rising crime and drug use. Back in 2004, 30% of Kepala Batas voters actually chose the PAS parliamentary candidate over Abdullah. (In a complicated twist of family history, Abdullah’s father served as a PAS youth leader, before the party fully broke with UMNO.) This election season, PAS’s green-and-white flags flutter throughout Kepala Batas. “Abdullah may come from a good Muslim family, but he does not make his wife wear a veil,” says Fadzil Darus, a grocery-store owner in the Kepala Batas village of Pasir Gebu, who plans to vote for the Islamic party.

Still, even PAS’s Kepala Batas candidate, Subri Arshad, doesn’t believe he’ll trump Abdullah. All he hopes for is to lower the PM’s margin of victory. But if Kepala Batas entrepreneurs like Lee Peir Jye are any indication, Abdullah has little need for concern. “It doesn’t matter if it’s Abdullah or someone else,” says the mobile phone-shop owner. “As long as we support the government, there will be stability, and that’s good for business.” Not a ringing hometown endorsement, but it’s all Malaysia’s accidental Prime Minister needs.

Lowered Expectations as Malaysia Votes – TIME

Read:

wither Malaysia, under  BN ?

Malaysia needs a strong Opposition

Posted in BN government, badawi, kosong | Leave a Comment »

Anti-bias votes may reduce Abdullah’s power in Malaysia — Bloomberg | s | Indiainteracts.com

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

After Vella Murugan’s third application for a government-subsidized mortgage was turned down in September, he decided he would back the opposition in Malaysia’s March 8 election.

He blames the rejection on his Indian ancestry. “I see my Malay neighbors with the same salary as me getting loans all the time,” said Vella, 38, a laborer from a Kuala Lumpur suburb who earns about 800 ringgit ($245) a month, just above the official poverty line. Indians “have a lack of opportunities.”

Malaysia’s biggest minorities — Indians and Chinese — have become more vocal in airing such grievances, taking a toll on Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s support. In November, Vella joined 10,000 other Indians to protest Malaysia’s legalized discrimination system, the largest ethnic demonstration in Kuala Lumpur since 1969.

“We love being part of Malaysia, but the government has to know how we feel,” Vella said.

Come election day, “some non-Malays might feel that they need to vote for the opposition because of what they have seen and felt,” said Mohamed Mustafa Ishak, international studies dean at Universiti Utara Malaysia.

Indians and Chinese together are a third of Malaysia’s population of 27 million. If enough vote against the ruling coalition, it would lose the two-thirds parliamentary majority it has had for more than 30 years — a free hand that consolidated Malay power.

Emboldened Opposition

Even if Abdullah’s super-majority remains, a close call may embolden the opposition. The coalition won 64 percent of the vote and 90 percent of the parliament’s seats in 2004, and it is unlikely to lose control completely.

Approval for Abdullah, 68, among Indians fell to 38 percent in December, from 79 percent in October, according to a survey published by the Merdeka Center, an independent Malaysian research group.

Anti-bias votes may reduce Abdullah’s power in Malaysia — Bloomberg | s | Indiainteracts.com

Read:

wither Malaysia, under  BN ?

Malaysia needs a strong Opposition

Posted in BN government, kosong | Leave a Comment »

Malaysians question cost of stability – World – smh.com.au

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

WHEN Penny Wong made the federal ministry in the new Rudd Government and immediately began playing a pivotal role in the Bali global warming conference, there were gasps in Malaysia as well as at home.

When a Sabah-born woman became an elected minister in Australia, that caused a lot of buzz around here,” says Rehman Rashid, opinion editor at Kuala Lumpur’s New Straits Times.

“That she could go further in Australian politics than she could in her own country.

Malaysia is in heightened ferment as it moves towards a snap election called for next Saturday by the Prime Minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

No one remotely sees Abdullah’s ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition at any risk of losing power, and the odds are long that it will even fall below the two-thirds majority in parliament needed to change the rules of the game.

But the opposition parties are likely to make strong gains.

The core of the Barisan, the United Malays National Organisation or UMNO, still can rely on overwhelming support from ethnic Malays, 60 per cent of Malaysia’s 27 million people, and may even win back control of Kelantan state from the Islamist, Malay-based Parti Islam se-Malaysia, or PAS.

But support among the two largest racial minorities, the Indians (8 per cent of the population) and the Chinese (25 per cent), is dropping for the parties that represent them in the ruling coalition – the Malaysian Indian Congress and the Malaysian Chinese Association – because of financial and sexual scandals.

Both communities now question the Malaysian bargain forced by Malay riots in 1969: accept second place and the right to go quietly about your business, while the state gives priority to raising the relative wealth, status and qualifications of the Malays.

Nearly four decades later, including 22 years of pressure-cooking the Malay corporate sector under the former prime minister Mahathir Mohammad, the racial minorities and a growing number of educated Malays are starting to ask when, if ever, the handicaps can be removed.

Malaysians see themselves doing well by regional comparisons – under Mahathir their per capita income quadrupled while population doubled – but some wonder whether they, like Penny Wong, wouldn’t have got further in similar-sized but more liberal countries such as Australia or Canada.

Mahathir blurred state and corporate entrepreneurship in wasteful and often corrupt cronyism and used detention-without-trial powers to frighten critics.

He also subverted two important institutions of governance: the rotating monarchy among Malaysia’s nine traditional sultans, and the previously respected judiciary.

Both institutions are now reasserting themselves.

Abdullah was forced recently to set up a commission of inquiry into the judiciary when videotapes showed an UMNO powerbroker-lawyer fixing jobs on the country’s most senior legal bench in cahoots with a business tycoon, Vincent Tan.

Better educated than their playboy fathers, a new generation of sultans is “stepping up to this noblesse oblige thing,” says Rehman Rashid.

The internet and satellite television have broken down UMNO’s monopoly over conventional media – three leading bloggers are running as opposition candidates – but only a fifth of Malaysians have access to the net, with rural Malays lagging. Tan, the controversial tycoon, has just bought the main alternative newspaper, The Sun.

Even Malaysia’s Election Commission chief, Abdul Rashid Abdul Rahim, says that one-sided press and TV campaign coverage makes the whole system a “laughing stock”. An opposition leader, Anwar Ibrahim, goes further, saying the electoral rolls are crammed with phantom voters, including “thousands” aged over 100 in each constituency.

Anwar’s wife and daughter are standing in the Keadilan (“Justice”) party he leads, and one of its successful candidates will make way when he is eligible to be involved. But so far, widespread respect for his intellect, courage in adversity, and strong Islamic faith hasn’t translated to much Malay support for his policies, which would wind back Malay entitlements.

But even those inside the power structure wonder how it can refresh itself. “This country has become strapped, we are prisoners of our politics,” says Rashid. “[The government is] so entrenched, trying to winkle it out of power actually means sending the entire system down the tubes.”

Malaysians still have to be convinced that it doesn’t have to be as bad as that.

Malaysians question cost of stability – World – smh.com.au

Read:

wither Malaysia, under  BN ?

Malaysia needs a strong Opposition

Posted in BN government, [s]Malaysia @ 50, kosong | Leave a Comment »

BN unfair in redrawing constituency boundaries

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

…Nevertheless, talk of re-drawing election boundaries, flawed systems and even vote buying continues unabated.

Critics of the system point to the fact that the BN wins far more seats than its popular vote deserves.

For example, it won 63.8per cent of the vote in 2004, but snagged 91 per cent of the parliamentary seats available.

Though the ‘first past the post’ system is used in many other countries as well, it did not stop human rights groups like Bersih (Clean) to hold street protests recently, asking for a more representational system.

The opposition has also cried foul over the redrawing of electoral boundaries allegedly to favour the ruling party, a practice known as gerrymandering.

The opposition cites the Seputeh constituency – considered an opposition stronghold in Kuala  Lumpur – as an example.

 

In 2004, this constituency was drawn to contain 46,500voters, almost 10times more than the Click to see larger imagenearby BN stronghold constituency of Putrajaya, which contained 4,654 voters.

But despite its larger number of voters, Seputeh can only elect the same number into parliament as Putrajaya – one person.

The numbers for 2008 are even more stark, with Putrajaya accounting for 6,608 voters while Seputeh has ballooned to 76,891 voters.

‘LEGAL’

Political scientist Mr James Wong said that while gerrymandering was allowed under law, it was aimed at serving a different purpose.

‘Historically, it was aimed at shifting borders in rural areas, to give rural voters more power to have theirsay.

‘This is backed by the perception that rural voters may lack access to the resources compared with their urban counterparts, when wanting to raise issues,’ he said.

Mr Wong said this was a worldwide practice, for example in the US and France, aimed at giving a slight advantage to the rural poor.

But critics, especially those in the opposition, argue that the system has been abused.

Said Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) member Nathaniel Tan: ‘Let’s say there are two constituencies or areas with strong opposition support.

‘Borders can be redrawn to ’shift’ all the (opposition) support into one area. So it reduces the chances of the opposition securing two seats.’

‘PHANTOM VOTERS’

There are also suggestions that the electoral rolls are laced with ‘phantom voters’ – comprising the dead, non-citizens and voters with multiple registrations, although the Malaysian Elections Commission strongly denies this.

Institute of Southeast Asian Studies fellow Dr Ooi Kee Beng said one way to counter such practices is to review the powers of the Election Commission, which is the sole authority in Malaysia to conduct polls.

The EC’s jurisdiction currently fall under the powers of the Prime Minister’s office.

Furthermore, a recent amendment in the Malaysian Constitution to give the current EC chairman a 11/2-year extension in his job raised doubts about the body’s objectivity.

Its chairman, Mr Abdul Rashid Abdul Rahman, would have retired last December if not for the amendment.

Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia political science head Dr Ahmad Nidzammudin Sulaiman argues that there are measures in place to deal with gerrymandering-related issues.

‘For example, after a delineation process, the areas are put up for public display and objections,’ he said.

But he admitted that the questions on its ‘effectiveness’ are not clear.

This year’s elections are also different in that, for the first time, the Elections Commission has endorsed an independent body’s role in monitoring the process.

Called Mafrel, or Malaysians for Free and Fair Elections, this body has already weighed in on several contentious issues, recently branding some BN election promises as unlawful pledges and also scrutinising candidate nomination forms to ensure that they are accurate.

The Electric New Paper, Singapore – The Electric New Paper News

Read:

wither Malaysia, under  BN ?

Malaysia needs a strong Opposition

Posted in BN government, jijik, kosong | Leave a Comment »

Najib earmarks Pekan to become a knowledge corridor

Posted by omong on March 1, 2008

 

Pekan has been earmarked to be-come a knowledge corridor for Pahang and the east coast states, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak said. 

He said the initiative was his vision and his mission over the next few years was to develop more schools and higher learning institutes for the people.

Najib out to make education a priority

Read Najib’s other ‘ideas’:

Najib says Indians have a good deal in Malaysia

Najib’s much touted e-Tanah system – a big disappointment

Najib talks about Tipping Point

Najib’s Brickendonbury High Performance Training Center

Najib wants all parties to acknowledge BN led Malaysia well

Graft in Malaysia’s Defense Ministry ?

Najib outlines Six Approaches For Farmers To Be Competitive

Najib: only Umno can ensure Malays’ progress and achievements, uphold sanctity of Islam

Najib launches 4M to prepare for election

Najib Outlines Twin Pillars Of Education

Najib expounds “Glokal”

Najib expounds another deep thought – for quality project implementation

Najib says sexist remarks by Bung Mokhtar Radin and Mohd Said Yusof, no big deal

Najib claims that only BN can improve livelihood

Najib tells civil servants to reframe mind and increase productivity by working longer hours

Najib-led committee issues more APs

Najib outlines 3 main factors for skilled and ‘holistic’ Malaysian

Najib expounds 5 ways to accelerate the Malay mind

Najib proposes another regional something

Najib says Research Center to be transformed to High Performance Tranining Center without cost

Najib says there are different principles for BN politics and government

Najib tells Public Service Department to hire unemployed graduates to resolve problems of unemployed graduates

Najib says MPs can make baseless allegations,  is not wrong legally

Najib proposes a regional-based humanitarian centers

Posted in kosong, najib | 1 Comment »